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Tuesday 30 September 2008

Must read: An open letter to the PM by Zaid Ibrahim

Dear Mr Prime Minister,

In our proclamation of independence, our first prime minister gave voice to the lofty aspirations and dreams of the people of Malaya: that Malaya was founded on the principles of liberty and justice, and the promise that collectively we would always strive to improve the welfare and happiness of its people.

Many years have passed since that momentous occasion, and those aspirations and dreams remain true and are as relevant to us today as they were then. This was made possible by a strong grasp of fundamentals in the early period of this nation. The Federal Constitution and the laws made pursuant to it were well founded; they embodied the key elements of a democracy built on the Rule of Law. The Malaysian judiciary once commanded great respect from Malaysians and was hailed as a beacon for other nations. Our earlier prime ministers, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Razak and Tun Hussein Onn were truly leaders of integrity, patriots in their own right, and most importantly, men of humility. They believed in and built this nation on the principles and values enunciated in our Constitution.

Even when they had to enact the Internal Security Act (ISA) in 1960, they were very cautious and apologetic about it. Tunku stated clearly that the Act was passed to deal with the communist threat. "My cabinet colleagues and I gave a solemn promise to Parliament and the nation that the immense powers given to the government under the ISA would never be used to stifle legitimate opposition and silence lawful dissent", was what the Tunku said. Our third prime minister Tun Hussein Onn reinforced this position by saying that the ISA was not intended to repress lawful political opposition and democratic activity on the part of the citizenry.

The events of the last three weeks have compelled me to review the way in which the ISA has been used. This exercise has sadly led me to the conclusion that the government has time and time again failed the people of this country in repeatedly reneging on that solemn promise made by Tunku Abdul Rahman. This has been made possible because the government and the law have mistakenly allowed the Minister of Home Affairs to detain anyone for whatever reason he thinks fit. This subjective discretion has been abused to further certain political interests.

History is the great teacher and speaks volumes in this regard. Even a cursory examination of the manner in which the ISA has been used almost from its inception would reveal the extent to which its intended purpose has been subjugated to the politics of the day.

Regrettably, Tunku Abdul Rahman himself reneged on his promise. In 1965, his administration detained Burhanuddin Helmi, the truly towering Malay intellectual, a nationalist who happened to be a PAS leader. He was kept in detention until his death in 1969. Helmi was a political opponent and could by no stretch of the imagination be considered to have been involved in the armed rebellion or communism that the ISA was designed to deal with. This detention was an aberration, a regrettable moment where politics was permitted to trump the rule of law. It unfortunately appears to have set a precedent, and many detentions of persons viewed as having been threatening to the incumbent administration followed through the years. Even our literary giant, the late Sasterawan Negara Tan Sri A Samad Ismail was subjected to the ISA in 1976. How could he have been a threat to national security?

I need not remind you of the terrible impact of the 1987 Operasi Lalang. Its spectre haunts the government as much as it does the peace-loving people of this nation, casting a gloom over all of us. There were and still are many unanswered questions about those dark hours when more than a hundred persons were detained for purportedly being threats to national security. Why they were detained has never been made clear to Malaysians. Similarly, no explanation has been forthcoming as to why they were never charged in court. Those detainees included amongst their numbers senior opposition members of parliament who are still active in Parliament today. The only thing that is certain about that period was that Umno was facing a leadership crisis. Isn't it coincidental that the recent spate of ISA arrests has occurred when Umno is again having a leadership crisis?

In 2001, Keadilan reformasi activists were detained in an exercise that the Federal Court declared was in bad faith and unlawful. The continued detention of those that were not released earlier from the Kamunting detention facility was made possible only by the fact that the ISA had been questionably amended in 1988 to preclude judicial review of the minister's order to detain. Malaysians were told that these detainees had been attempting to overthrow the government via militant means and violent demonstrations. Seven years have gone and yet no evidence in support of this assertion has been presented. Compounding the confusion even further, one of these so-called militants, Ezam Mohamad Noor, recently rejoined Umno to great fanfare, as a prized catch, it would seem.

At around the same time, members of PAS were also detained for purportedly being militant and allegedly having links to international terrorist networks. Those detained included Nik Adli, the son of Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, the Menteri Besar of Kelantan. Malaysians were made a promise by the government that evidence of the alleged terrorist activities and links of these detainees would be disclosed. To date no such evidence has been produced.

The same formula was used in late 2007 when the Hindraf five were detained. Malaysians were told once again that these individuals were involved in efforts to overthrow the government and had links with the militant Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam of Sri Lanka. To date no concrete evidence has been presented to support this assertion. It would seem therefore that the five were detained for their involvement in efforts that led to a mobilisation of Indian Malaysians to express, through peaceful means, their frustration against the way in which their community had been allowed to be marginalised. This cause has since been recognised as a legitimate one. The Hindraf demonstration is nothing extraordinary as such assemblies are universally recognised as being a legitimate means of expression.

In the same vein, the grounds advanced in support of the most recent detentions of Tan Hoon Cheng, Teresa Kok and Raja Petra Kamarudin leave much to be desired. The explanation that Tan Hoon Cheng was detained for her own safety was farcical. The suggestion that Teresa Kok had been inciting religious sentiments was unfounded as was evinced by her subsequent release.

As for Raja Petra Kamarudin, a prominent critic of the government, a perusal of his writings would show that he might have been insulting of the government and certain individuals within it. However, being critical and insulting could not in any way amount to a threat to national security. If his writings are viewed as being insulting of Islam, Muslims or the Holy Prophet (pbuh), he should instead be charged under the Penal Code and not under the ISA. In any event, he had already been charged for sedition and criminal defamation in respect of some of his statements. He had claimed trial, indicating as such his readiness and ability to defend himself. Justice would best be served by allowing him his day in court more so where, in the minds of the public, the government is in a position of conflict for having been the target of his strident criticism.

The instances cited above strongly suggest that the government is undemocratic. It is this perspective that has over the last 25-plus years led to the government seemingly detaining arbitrarily political opponents, civil society and consumer advocates, writers, businessmen, students and journalists whose crime, if it could be called that, was to have been critical of the government. How it is these individuals can be perceived as being threats to national security is beyond my comprehension. The self-evident reality is that legitimate dissent was and is quashed through the heavy-handed use of the ISA.

There are those who support and advocate this carte-blanche reading of the ISA. They will seek to persuade you that the interests of the country demand that such power be retained, that Malaysians owe their peace and stability to laws such as the ISA. This overlooks the simple truth that Malaysians of all races cherish peace. We lived together harmoniously for the last 400 years, not because of these laws but in spite of them.

I believe the people of this country are mature and intelligent enough to distinguish actions that constitute a "real" threat to the country from those that threaten political interests. Malaysians have come to know that the ISA is used against political opponents and, it would seem, when the leadership is under challenge either from within the ruling party or from external elements.

Malaysians today want to see a government that is committed to the court process to determine guilt or innocence even for alleged acts of incitement of racial or religious sentiment. They are less willing to believe, as they once did, that a single individual, namely the Minister of Home Affairs, knows best about matters of national security. They value freedom and the protection of civil liberties and this is true of people of other nations too.

Mr Prime Minister, the results of the last general election are clear indication that the people of Malaysia are demanding a reinstatement of the rule of law. I was appointed as your, albeit short-lived, minister in charge of legal affairs and judicial reform. In that capacity, I came to understand more keenly how many of us want reform, not for the sake of it, but for the extent to which our institutions have been undermined by events and the impact this has had on society.

With your blessing, I attempted to push for reform. High on my list of priorities was a reinstatement of the inherent right of judicial review that could be enabled through a reversion of the key constitutional provision to its form prior to the controversial amendment in 1988. I need not remind you that that constitutional amendment was prompted by the same series of events that led not only to Operasi Lalang but the sacking of the then Lord President and two supreme court justices. Chief amongst my concerns was the way in which the jurisdiction and the power of the courts to grant remedy against unconstitutional and arbitrary action of the executive had been removed by Parliament and the extent to which this had permitted an erosion of the civil liberties of Malaysians. It was this constitutional amendment that paved the way for the ouster provision in the ISA that virtually immunises the minister from judicial review, a provision which exemplifies the injustice the constitutional amendment of 1988 has lent itself.

I also sought to introduce means by which steps could be taken to assist the judiciary to regain the reputation for independence and competence it once had. Unfortunately, this was viewed as undesirable by some since an independent judiciary would mean that the executive would be less "influential".

I attempted to do these things and more because of the realisation that Malaysia's democratic traditions and the rule of law are under siege. Anyway, there is nothing wrong with giving everyone an independent judiciary and the opportunity to a fair trial. This is consistent with the universal norms of human rights as it is with the tenets of Islam, the religion of the Federation. Unchecked power to detain at the whim of one man is oppressiveness at its highest. Even in Israel, a nation that is perpetually at war, the power to detain is not vested in one man and detention orders require endorsement from a judge.

If there are national security considerations, then these can be approached without jettisoning the safeguards intended to protect individual citizens from being penalised wrongfully. In other jurisdictions involved in armed conflicts, trials are held in camera to allow for judicial scrutiny of evidence considered too sensitive for public disclosure so as to satisfy the ends of justice. If this can be done in these jurisdictions, why not here where the last armed struggle we saw, the very one that precipitated the need for the ISA, came to an end in the 1980s? Any doubts as to the continued relevance of the ISA in its present form should have been put to rest by the recommendation by the National Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) that the ISA be repealed and an anti-terror legislation suited to the times enacted in its place. Containing as it did a sunset clause in its original times, the ISA was never intended to be a permanent feature of the Malaysian legal landscape.

Through its continued use in the manner described above and in the face of public sentiment, it is only natural that the ISA has become in the mind of the people an instrument of oppression and the government is one that lends itself to oppressiveness. Its continued use does not bode well for a society that is struggling to find its place in the global arena. It does not bode well for the democracy that is so vital for us to develop sustainably.

Mr Prime Minister, I remember very clearly what you once said: that if one has the opportunity to do what is good and right for the country, then he must take on the task. I respect you deeply for that, and if I were confident that I would have been able to do some good for Malaysia, I would have remained on your team. Sir, you are still the prime minister and you still have the opportunity to leave your footprint in Malaysian history. I urge you to do so by repealing the ISA once and for all.

Let us attempt to fulfil that solemn promise made by our beloved first prime minister to the people of this country.


Yours sincerely,

ZAID IBRAHIM
Kuala Lumpur

Wednesday 24 September 2008

逝去的花樣年華

16歲的生命,
一個品學兼優,清秀可人,前途一片大好的生命,
就這樣消失在4位喪盡天良的禽獸手中。

對不起,
我覺得我侮辱了禽獸。

禽獸不會為了錢,
禽獸不會為了愛慕,
而去綁架一個如花似玉的少女,
并殘酷地奪走了她的生命,
更無情地焚燒她的尸體。
就連一副完整的遺體也不愿意讓她留下。

真的很對不起,
因為我真的想不到其它的字眼來代替,
所以只好用禽獸來形容這四位兇手。

禽獸!!

為什么有人可以喪心病狂到如此地步?
為什么?
四名16到22歲的青年,
難道他們真的一點良心都沒有?
難道他們連一點惻隱之心也沒有?

我想不通...
或許,社會真的是生病了...

映興,你走好。
這荒亂的世界不適合你,希望你在天堂能夠找到更適合你的生活。

(此文章亦刊登于9月24日《南洋商報》部落格精選專欄)

渺小的地球 渺小的人類

這是科學家做出的比例:





Tuesday 23 September 2008

馬華黨選 群魔亂舞

马华党选,恰如一面照妖镜。在党选这幅照妖镜下,本来满口仁义道德、为国为民的伟大政治家,都变成了互相攻歼、相互批斗、自私自利的无聊政客。在照妖镜面前,之前的什么伟大抱负,尽皆抛诸脑后。最重要的是确保自己的高官厚禄,在党选中占个好位子!!

看看第一位高喊竞选总会张,某位号称马华良心的现任部长,在“寄居论”沸沸扬扬的时候说了什么?除了效仿古代圣贤,满口仁义道德,大谈道德经之外以藉以炮打另一位准总会长候选人之外,他做了些什么?为什么当华人地位受挑战,华人被当成是外来者,华人被当成是马来西亚的寄居蟹时,这位良心却只是轻描淡写的说“这只是个人言论”,就当这件事情没有发生过了。

你能够接受未来华人政治第一把交椅说出这样的话吗?人说即时反应最能显示出一个人深藏内心的想法(可参照“潜意识的曝露”),这位良心一开始的说话已经曝露出了他心中对巫统的无力感,对巫统的唯唯诺诺,不管过后再如何跟风般地义正言辞批评此言论,期望能够亡羊补牢挽回之前自己说漏口的言论也绝对是于事无补!

再看这位马华良心的唯一的潜在对手,也就是那位不卫生的前卫生部长。想问问,这位前卫生部长又为国为民做了些什么?强迫没有犯错的黄明志道歉以让被巫统刮目相看?硬把儿子推入党参与大选?除了这些,我看就只剩下对其对手的攻击及抹黑。

回想一下这位过气强人最近的言论,没有政策,没有思想,没有发展方向,有的就只是为了党选而产生的言论。像“假惺惺论”、“退出马华论”、“改革马华论”等等论调,哪一种不是马华早就应该做出的改革?为什么这位曾经呼风唤雨的前部长到现在才突然这样福至心灵,发表出这样的言论?突然说出这样的言论,绝对是司马昭之心路人皆知!想把自己塑造为“救党英雄”,为何也?党选是也!

其他有意竞选高职的马华领袖如皇家泉、黄燕燕、江作汉、曹志雄、林祥才等,不是曾经发表过诸如“透视装”的伟论,就是在国家课题前唯巫统马首是瞻,毫无自身方向,这些领袖当上马华领导层,真的能为马华带来转变吗?

马华口口声声说不支持种族主义,要击败种族主义,但却一直与种族主义的大魔头巫统狼狈为奸,如此言行不一的举动,到底是在发扬种族主义抑或是抑止呢?哪位有意竞选高层的马华领袖有勇气站出来回答人民的这个问题呢?

(筆于九月初,刊登于《火箭報》2008年第八期)

Saturday 20 September 2008

倪匡--我最喜愛的作家


倪匡是我在眾多作家中最喜愛的作家。

倪匡是一位創作領域很廣的作家,不管是言情、劇本、武俠、推理、科幻、玄幻、警世、書評、散文、自傳、激勵、時評、奇情、食評、情色、游記、鬼故、長篇的、中篇的、短篇的、超短篇的,各種各樣類型的作品他都有寫過。而在這各種類型的作品之中,最著名也最受歡迎的當數他的科幻系列。

倪匡不只是什么類型的書種都寫,出書數量更是驚人。單是科幻系的就有多達數位主角為主的系列,儼然建構出了自己縱橫交錯,結構嚴謹的科幻世界。這些主角,信手拈來較著名的就有衛斯理、白素、原振俠、羅開、木蘭花等,比較少人知曉的則有高達、影子、年輕人、黑紗公主等,都是少則七八本,多則上百本各自獨立小說當中的主角。

簡單來說,倪匡何止著作等身,他的所有著作加起來絕不下上千本,所有書疊起來是他身高的兩倍都不止!

因此,本名倪聰,字亦明的倪匡被人稱為“袋裝書大帝”,自稱為“世上寫漢字字最多人”,都可說是名不虛傳,一點夸張的成份也沒有!!

倪匡的作品,十之八九我都看過了(除了早年絕版的情色小說外),除了引人入勝之外,倪匡的小說常常會使人得到不同程度的啟發。雖然設想精奇,跳脫常理,卻能夠做到意料之外情理之中的最高境界,一點也不會落于俗套!

說真的,我如今的閱讀興趣,都是從看倪匡小說培養起的。可以說,我對中外歷史、地理環境、哲學思想的興趣都是從看倪匡小說培養起來的!!
若沒看過倪匡的小說,我真的不能夠想象我現今過的是怎樣的一種生活!!

可惜,今年73歲的老頑童倪匡已經封筆了......

(以下附錄一篇兩年前倪老的專訪:

华文科幻作家倪匡自从1963年发表《钻石花》,误打误撞开启了“科幻小说”新风潮后,多年来一直书迷众多,小说主人翁卫斯里、白素、原振侠的冒险遭遇更是为人津津乐道。今年3月底,已宣布封笔的倪匡在自我放逐美国13年后,返回香港定居。《环球时报》记者特地前往倪匡位于铜锣湾闹市的住宅,专访了这位华人科幻名家。

记者:听说您写卫斯里很偶然,是不是有这么一回事?

倪匡:是啊。当年是1963年初,我在《明报》副刊已有两个连载,由于十分精彩,报社希望我再多写一篇。为了避免“自己打自己”,我就取了一个新笔名——卫斯里,尝试撰写所谓的“现代武侠”。一年下来,写成了《钻石花》与《地底奇人》两个故事。

由于现代武侠和传统武侠本质上换汤不换药,其后我为了求新求变,就开始在卫斯里故事中掺入科幻元素。卫斯里的第三个故事《妖火》就成了标准的科幻小说,灵感来自冬虫夏草这种古怪的中药。

不过,当时我只是以写武侠小说为读者所熟悉,大部分出版社对科幻小说都没有兴趣。直到后来明报出版社的负责人突然想到出版社有一批废弃的纸张没用,扔了太可惜,就拿来出版我的科幻小说。自此之后,越来越多的读者看我的科幻小说,我也开始与科幻结下不解之缘。

记者:您写作科幻小说前后长达40余年,笔下的科幻构思陆续有许多梦想成真的例子,您对此怎么看?

倪匡:这可是我自己当初做梦都想不到的事。像原振侠系列第一本书《天人》中的设定:外星人从远方发射能量,令地球人体内的微量金属元素向脑部聚集,最后在脑中“长出”一片集成电路板。故事发表于1981年,但20年后,由于纳米科技的发展,这种“自我生长、自我组织”的科技,竟然由地球人自己实现了,简直跟我的假设不谋而合!哈哈。

记者:您这些灵感从哪里来的?

倪匡:人脑和计算机一样,必须有输入,才会有输出。我从小就爱看各种书,无论多么通俗、多么深奥都能读得津津有味。古典小说如《水浒》、《聊斋》,都对我的写作起着或多或少的影响。但如果说有哪本书曾经启发过我的科幻创作,大概非《蜀山剑侠传》莫属。这套书真是天下第一奇书,希腊神话与之相比,也是小巫见大巫。

记者:您写科幻小说有什么心得?

倪匡:第一,所有创作人一定要有自己的风格,不然肯定成不了大器。叶李华帮我写卫斯里系列续集,第一本书口碑不好,就是受我影响太深;到了第二本,终于有了她自己的风格,读者才开始接受她,销量也不错了。第二,写小说是天生的本事,如果有能力,根本按捺不住,早晚会跑出来的。像我早年来香港,根本没有写作训练,想到什么就写什么。有人说写小说之前一定要有草稿,我说这根本是多余的事。这一点金庸也同意。

记者:您怎么看外国的科幻小说?

倪匡:我不太看也不喜欢。近年热卖的悬疑推理小说《达·芬奇密码》,倪震(倪匡的儿子)买了一本给我看,说很好看,但我看了一下,就不想看下去。至于英国作家罗琳的《哈利波特》系列,无论是电影和小说,我统统没有看过,原因是不想浪费生命。哈哈!外国人的这些东西,中国一早就有了,《蜀山剑侠传》比他们的精彩多了。或许正是如此,我才能写出纯粹中国风味的科幻小说。

记者:相比外国,中国的科幻作品及科幻小说家很少,这是不是意味着中国人缺少想象力呢?

倪匡:话不能这么说。中国人的想象力一向很丰富。你看《山海经》、《淮南子》等古书,其实就是想象类型的科幻书。有个古代小说是这么记载:三千多年前周穆王坐着八匹骏马拉着、日行三万里的车子,风驰电掣来到了西王母居住的地方。其实那辆车子就是现在的宇宙飞船,西王母就是外星人,呵呵。

至于后来中国的科幻小说少了,原因主要是跟中国人不重视科学有关。因为不重视科学,就不讲求证据与推理,这样下去,科幻小说自然也不行了。

记者:您的那一代港台作家,如古龙、黄霑、金庸及蔡澜等,都是一代大师,影响深远。与之相比,现今的港台文学创作有些气势不足。您对此怎么看呢?

倪匡:香港现在写文章好的文人也有很多呀,譬如陶杰、古德明等人学贯中西,对社会很有影响力。不过小说方面,香港近几年写的人是少了,也不见得有人写得好,只有深雪和李碧华还可以。我觉得主要是市场环境问题,现在选择多了,看小说的人也越来越少,以前报章副刊还有小说,现在几乎全没了。

记者:您怎么评价近年内地的文人?

倪匡:内地好的作家多了,像陈忠实和莫言的作品就很有深度。最近碰到多位内地作家,其中一位是余华,他写的《兄弟》真好,是一流的作家。很多人说《兄弟》的上部比下部好,我觉得不对,他的下部写得非常好,足够荒谬滑稽……每当我在电视上看到那些没有真才实学的公司主席,便笑指他是李光头,好玩得不得了。

最近我在内地网络上看了一下,大陆网络上很多小说也写得不错,有个叫周祥的写手风格很像古龙,一篇小说写了120章,就算古龙在世也不可能写这么多。

记者:您看书有什么习惯呢?

倪匡:一本书头一千字不好看我就不看了。还有新诗,我最讨厌现在所谓的新诗,这种新诗我一天可以写几百首,随便把一句话砍成几段就行了。有些新诗诗人邀请我参加讲座,也统统被我拒绝了。

记者:除了金庸、黄霑及蔡澜等才子,据说您跟李小龙也很熟络,是这样吗?

倪匡:对,我跟他很熟。1970年,李小龙在好莱坞碰壁回香港发展,接拍香港功夫片导演罗维的电影《唐山大兄》,那部电影的剧本就是我帮他写的。之后他拍《精武门》,也是我写的,里面的人物陈真也是我想象出来的,现在居然还有人以为真有其人。真好笑,哈哈!

记者:您怎么评价李小龙?

倪匡:他是一个很不正常的“电影工作狂人”。在拍完《精武门》后,李小龙请我吃饭,说准备拍第三部电影。结果他一讲就是三四个小时,连怎么配音也说了。我就说,你都说完了,还要我编什么剧本啊!李小龙当场气得想打我,幸好给在场的何冠昌喝止,说倪匡是玻璃造的,不能打。于是李小龙就坚持我打他一下,倪太这时候也过来,打了他两下。妈呀,李小龙的身体真的好强壮!像桌子般硬,痛死我了。后来很多朋友听到这个故事,都羡慕我打过李小龙,哈哈!

但话说回来,李小龙也是个正常人。当年《精武门》上映,我们一起去看首映。由于之前他已经因为《唐山大兄》而红透香港,戏院里的一千多名影迷一见到他都大声地尖叫,这时候李小龙就很紧张地捉住我的手,手心不停冒汗,问我该怎么做。我就胡乱说那你扬手啦。结果李小龙一扬手,全场影迷立即大叫起来。

记者:许多编剧都“编而优则导”,您写了这么多剧本,干吗不去做导演?

倪匡:哈哈,说起这我记得有件趣事。当年罗维用了足足一个晚上教我怎么做导演,但我毫无兴趣,反而对他说了一句天下最混账的话,那就是“我前世做了什么错事,要沦落到今世做导演呢”,结果气得罗维说不出话,哈哈!

你知道么,我觉得天下有三种职业最辛苦,一是煤工,二是盐工,三是导演。导演要有领导欲,天天要跟几百个人合作,我这人自主性很强,根本做不来,做了也很痛苦,所以别搞我。)

Thursday 18 September 2008

請勿散播謠言

正在趕著功課的我,
至現在為止已經收到四封關于不同地區暴亂的消息。

每一封我的回復都是一樣的:
“你確定嗎?”
“Are you sure?”

得到的答案都一樣:
“不知道,人家傳給我的!”

而我再回復的還是一樣:
“在還未證實之前,請不要轉發,以免引起恐慌。請不要散發謠言。”

這里把我的回復寫上來多一次,
希望大家不要把未經證實的消息,
不管好的壞的,一到手就傳出去,
以免引起不必要的恐慌,
或讓極權主義者有借口進行鎮壓或戒嚴。

切記。

(此文章亦刊登于9月18日《南洋商報》部落格精選專欄)
(另,此文章本來只是提醒一下網友,沒想到黎主編直接就拿去用了@.@")

马来人万岁

(Original Post: Melayu Hidup

马来人万岁!
这绝对是最近最火红,最受瞩目的句子。

很多人批判,很多人不能够接受马来人万岁。
他们认为“马来人万岁”,标志着是大马来人主义,是种族主义的代表。
因此,决不能随便高呼马来人万岁,以免引起紧张。

但我一点都不这样认为。
马来人万岁,有什么错?

我更认为,当有人威胁马来人,当有人要消灭马来人时,不只是我们的马来同胞要高声呼喊马来人万岁,所有的马来西亚人民,不管是华人、印度人还是土著原住民都应该一起站起来高呼马来人万岁,一起捍卫我们的马来同胞!!

就像我们的兄弟受到威胁一样。为了兄弟而高喊马来人万岁,何错之有?
所以我才说我百分之一百支持马来人万岁。

况且,马来人万岁,就等同于要他族灭亡吗?
不!!
除了马来人万岁之外,为什么华人,印度人就不能万岁?
共存共荣,才是马来西亚精神!

所以,我相信,当我受到威胁时,我的马来朋友们一定会同样地与我站在同一阵线,绝不会因肤色不同而远离我。
这,就是团结;
这,就是马来西亚!!

我们都是一家人!

请政客们不要破坏这难能可贵的团结。

因此,让我们一起高喊:
马来人万岁!
印度人万岁!
华人万岁!
马来西亚人万岁!!

蔡細歷肯定馬大辯論隊

雖然,被蔡細歷肯定不是什么大事,也沒有什么好值得高興的,但這至少證明,馬大辯論隊并不是浪得虛名的!!連一個受英文教育的人,也認同馬大辯論隊的水準!!!
馬大辯論隊萬歲!!!!

一下為新聞原文:

蔡細歷戰黃家泉 爭馬華署理
2008年9月18日
 
(八打靈再也17日訊)馬華前副總會長拿督斯裡蔡細歷正式表態競選馬華第2把交椅,硬碰馬華總秘書拿督斯裡黃家泉!



蔡細歷今日在思延酒店召開記者會時,宣佈競選馬華署理總會長的同時,也公佈了一套包括馬華全方位改革及針貶時局的出師表--「改革的動力--真正的勇氣,真正的政治」,展現他的雄心壯志。

他也透露,政治盟友兼馬華副總會長拿督林祥才將捍衛副總會長一職,而馬華副總會長拿督威拉馮鎮安博士則不會競選馬華總會長,但卻不肯透露馮鎮安的明確動向。

「他有說,但是講得太小聲,我聽不到……」,引起哄堂大笑。

早前盛傳將角逐馬華總會長的蔡細歷,在媒體詢及為何不直接競選馬華總會長時回應:「感激外界那麼看好我,但卻忘記了我在下臺之前,只是擔任馬華副總會長,這次競選馬華署理總會長已算是更上一層樓了。」

無官一身輕的蔡細歷是否有信心打敗房屋及地方政府部長拿督斯裡黃家泉?他充滿自信的回答:「瞭解我的人都知道,我向來都很有自信。同樣的,我也有信心能得到中央代表的支持。」

君子競選重建馬華

但他也很有風度的稱讚對手黃家泉是一位經驗豐富的領袖,並希望在民主的程序下,與黃氏來個「君子競選」。

在年初時,因「光碟事件」而辭去所有的官職與黨職的蔡細歷,是在7月區會改選時成功重掌峇株巴轄區會主席,為競選高職鋪路。

蔡細歷強調,重作馮婦是為了協助帶領馬華突破308大選受重挫後的困境,並有信心憑本身的魄力及豐富的經驗,將能做好重建馬華的工作。

同時,他也認為馬華在這個時刻需要一個由老中青領袖組成的強大團隊,並需要由一個較強勢的領袖來領導。

他也意有所指的調侃說:「重建馬華不是靠口才,如果單憑口才的話,那不如直接找馬大辯論隊。馬華需強勢領袖領導,同時要瞭解華社的意願,並與巫統領袖保持良好關係,以共同商討國家大事。」

蔡細歷承認本身與馬華總會長候選人拿督蔡銳明有接觸,但重申目前沒有和任何領袖結盟,並表明本身願與任何馬華領袖合作。

至於是否將與馬華總會長候選人結盟時,他表示目前靜觀其變,因為蔡銳明與翁詩傑兩人皆未推出正式的競選宣言。

詢及他與翁詩傑曾因「道德論」展開隔空罵戰,若雙雙中選的話,是否能合作時,他表示,領袖之間出現意見分歧是很正常的事,不會影響未來合作。

蔡細歷也澄清,與陳國煌的關係並沒有出現問題,也支持這名來自柔佛的領袖,惟他也不忘呼籲中央代表「別忘記蔡細歷」。所有的官職及黨職,來減輕對馬華與本身的負面影響。

不過,他在下臺後,繼續積極活躍於基層,更在7月份的區會改選中,成功不勞而獲盤踞20多年的峇株巴轄區會主席,強勢回彈。

Wednesday 17 September 2008

宅男生活

Thesis,Assignment,繁重的課業,拮據的手頭,加上毫無人性的Lecturer(每一道tutorial question要我們住準備至少四頁的答案+班上present),使到我最近的生活,除了忙,還是忙......

之前最愛的,幾乎每一天都為它忙著,為它貢獻的辯論,也幾乎絕跡了...
剛剛跟學姐通了電話,才發現,這幾個星期的自己真的是過著隔離式的宅男生活...
將近一個月了,才過去看了看自己的Juniors四次,真的就像學姐所說的,一個手掌都數得完!

而宅男的生活,也開始習慣了。
一整天,除了早上到中午這段時間在外上課,其余大部分(可以說是所有)時間,都是呆在家里。
每天在家里對著的,不是電腦,就是一大堆看了使人暈頭轉向的materials(有時還會忙里偷閑看一下課外書)。

分享一下我的宅男生活:

我的主要糧食

我的糧食庫存



*p.s.:身為宅男,上網寫blog的時間也較多,大家看看我最近的發帖數量就知道了@.@"!

Tuesday 16 September 2008

潛意識的曝露

佛洛伊德把心灵比喻为一座冰山,浮出水面的是少部分,代表人的显意识,而埋藏在水面之下的绝大部分,则是潜意识。而科学研究更证明人不只的确拥有潜意识,且潜意识是人的思想当中最真实的。这是因为潜意识是人类大脑深层的思想,因此少了许多显意识的虛假及包裝。因此,曝露潜意识的情况通常都发生在人类的意识范围之外,很多时候“一不小心”或“说溜了嘴”就会把不想让别人知道的事实真相给说了出来。

前几天看报纸,看到了一篇新闻报导,更是证实了这项研究的准确性。

上星期,陈水扁办公室的职员错把“陈前总统”寫成“陈钱总统”。在我看来,这根本就不是扁办公室员工犯下的错误,反而不折不扣是员工们把自己的潜意识不小心给显露了出来,曝露出他们所认知的陈水扁,这个为钱而生,为钱而当上“钱总统”的底细。

现今陈水扁一家正为洗钱疑云、秘帐风波所困扰,扁办公室这点小错误或许并不足以对陈水扁或其家人造成任何实质打击。但,这已足够刷下陈水扁厚厚的一层脸皮了。

曾经位极人臣的陈水扁,因为贪腐造成了如今众叛亲离的下场。甚至被迫退出其一生奉献的民进党。这正是给各位当官者的警讯。

大马各阶层的官老爷,不知你们看到了吗?

(此文章亦刊登于9月16日《南洋商報》部落格精選專欄)

Monday 15 September 2008

Police statement regarding arrest under ISA

Click the image to enlarge.



Sunday 14 September 2008

Zaid Ibrahim - You are the man


De facto law minster Zaid Ibrahim is the handful BN politician I respect.

He is the only person in BN who understand ISA is a very unjust law and it should only be used to curb terrorism, and not being use for counter the political dissidents!

Look at the remarks he made after RPK and Teresa Kok were arrested under ISA:

"We have a government that commits to laws and reforms, we can't be using old-style politics or resort to creating fear. We have laws and the detainees should be charged in court.

I'll try to meet with Prime Minister (Abdullah Ahmad Badawi) this week to convey to him my position. If he considers my position untenable, I will leave."

Zaid, u should not "threatened" to leave BN, you should leave BN immediately!!!!

Saturday 13 September 2008

茅草行動2?

截至晚上十二點,已經有三人在內安法令下被逮捕了!
Raja Petra、陳云清、郭素沁,接下來還有誰?
據聞警方手上還有多達十幾人的異議人士名單!!

1987年的茅草行動看似又再降臨了...

馬來西亞的極權主義者為了保住搖搖欲墜的政權,做出了絕望的反撲!!
幻想通過壓制異議的聲音來使政權能夠繼續茍延殘喘!

但正義絕不會就此被打倒!獨裁政客絕不會就此得逞!
人民力量絕對會給這些無恥政客給予無情的打擊!!

人民才是真正的老板!!

Thursday 11 September 2008

Anti-Racism Animation

Wednesday 10 September 2008

安華不是被控雞奸

“安華涉嫌雞奸賽夫案審訊”
“安華被控雞姦賽夫案”
“安華被控雞奸”
等等等都是是最近一直可以看到的句子,
不管是在報紙,電視或電腦上。

但是,請大家搞清楚,
安華是在刑事法典第377A及377B條文下被控,并不是377C。
所以,安華被控的不是雞奸,而是進行非自然性行為。

雞奸,是包含強迫的意思在內,罪行也比較重。

另外,更正確來說安華是在377A條文下被控,并不是377B(大多數報紙都寫377B)。
377B條文闡明的是對犯下377A條文的懲罰,所以并不能用以控告安華。

特在此提出,以免大家被誤導。

Tuesday 9 September 2008

Hidup Melayu

Hidup Melayu, saya 100% menyokong!
Kalau member saya menjerit hidup melayu apabila mereka diancam, saya memang akan menjerit bersama!!

Apa salahnya hidup melayu?
Kalau ada orang mencabar kedudukan, martabat dan maruah orang Melayu,
saya tetap akan bangkit melawan!!!!
Tanpa ragu saya akan bangun dan mempertahankan orang Melayu.
Dengan tegasnya saya akan menjerit kepada orang yang mencabar itu:
HIDUP MELAYU!!!!

Selain ini,
apa salahnya disamping hidup melayu, hidup juga India dan Cina?
Saya yakin kawan Melayu atau India saya akan membangkit jika saya diancam.
Warna kulit kita memang berbeza, tapi hati kita bersama!
Warna kulit tidak boleh diubah, tapi hati boleh!!!
Apa yang penting adalah hati dan bukan elemen luaran sebegini!!!!

Warna kulit berbeza, kita tetap kawan dan rakan yang baik!!
Inilah perpaduan, inilah Malaysia!!!

Jangan merosakkan perpaduan,
kita semua orang Malaysia, abang-adik dalam satu keluarga yang besar!!
Hidup Melayu!!
Hidup India!!
Hidup Cina!!
HIDUP RAKYAT MALAYSIA!!!!

Sunday 7 September 2008

超喜歡的一小段啟示

之前看一個朋友送我的袖珍本《圣經》,
非常喜歡其中的一小段故事,現在突然想起,所以找了出來與大家分享:

“當亞當第一次在地球過夜的時候,
他躺下睡覺時,他以為一切都結束了。

他不知道什么是睡覺,只知道他的眼睛自己要合攏上,
他無法抗拒。
他以為他要離開這個世界了。

當然他沒有離開。
第二天早晨他醒來,
一個嶄新的世界等待著他去開拓。

而且,他擁有了另一樣東西。

他擁有了他的昨天。”

Friday 5 September 2008

MAMPUSlah Ahmad Ismail

Kalau nak cakap pendatang asing, semua orang adalah pendatang asing.
Ya, mungkin sekumpulan warga lebih awal memindah ke sini,
tapi walaupun berapa awalnya mereka datang, tetap juga mereka adalah pendatang asing.

Jangan cakap bukan, sejarah sebelum Zaman Sultan Melaka? Sebelum Parameswara?
Siapa dia berasal di sini?
Hanya orang asli dan orang sakai.
Tiada Cina, India mahupun Melayu.

Kalao nak mengira siapa orang asing,
99% rakyat Malaysia adalah pendatang asing.
Bezanya hanya masa mereka datang.
Jadi, tolong jangan bezakan rakyat Malaysia dengan cara ini.

Kita bukan warga asing,
tiada seorang pun adalah warga asing di negara ini jikalau dia adalah warganegara Malaysia!!!

Saya cintai negara ini, walaupun saya sentiasa mempertikaikan negara ini.
Saya mempertikaikan, kerana saya mahu negara ini menjadi lebih baik.
Saya mempertikaikan, kerana negara ini adalah tanahair saya.
Saya mempertikaikan, kerana ini adalah tanah yang tercinta saya!!!
Tolong jangan rosakkan negara ini!!!!


Ahmad Ismail, ramai orang mati, kenapa kau tak MAMPUS lagi??
Jangan cuba merosakkan negara yang tercinta ini lagi!!!!!!!!!
MAMPUSlah!!!!!! Orang yang ingin merosakkan perpaduan di dalam negara ini!!!!!!!!
MAMPUSlah!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Thursday 4 September 2008

丑陋的中國人2--《貓城記》



最近終于有時間重看了老舍的《貓城記》。
第一次看《貓城記》,是很久以前的事了,大概有超過十年了吧...

之前圂圇吞棗,
一口氣看完了這十一萬字的巨著,
其實說真的,還不是很看得懂書里所想要帶出來的意思。

當時就把它當成是一本科幻,又帶點探險及笑料的小說來看。
所以可以說對《貓城記》的內涵不甚了了,
不知是當時年紀小,還是自己理解能力低,
差點就錯失了這一本偉大的巨著。

幸好,
最近終于有時間可以忙里偷閑,
在空檔時間第二次看完這部《貓城記》。

有句話說得好:“好書是越看越好看。”
《貓城記》,絕對是一本好書。
同樣的一本書,第二次看就發現了完全不同的新天地!!

閱歷豐富了,知道的事情多了,
才发现老舍笔下每一样事物似乎都意有所指!

第二次看才感受出老舍先生的憂國憂民之心!!

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《貓城記》,是老舍的眾多作品中,唯一一部采用科幻小說形式創作的長篇作品。
《貓城記》里,用的是第一人稱寫作法,

小說中的“我”,坐著飛機,離開地球,墜落在火星上。
在火星上,并非一片荒漠,而且居然有二十多個國家!
“我”在貓人國中生存了下來,
從一開始的敵對,變成了他們的保護者,
能夠成為保護著,因為貓人對外來者都非常懼怕。

因此,“我”與貓人為伍,被當作“外國先生”而受到尊敬。
“我”學會了貓人語,才發現原來貓人是見錢眼開,自相殘殺的一群。
雖然貓人們對自相殘殺很內行,可是對外國人卻敬若天神。
在貓人國就流傳著一句話;“外國人咳嗽一聲,嚇倒貓國500兵”。

而哪里的圣人,跟禽獸沒有兩樣;
而哪里的皇上,是至高無上的,人民是不得出聲的。
但皇上,卻又是最無能的。
而且想當皇上,只要革一革命就行了!

故事的最后,自私內斗的貓國輕易被“矮子兵”征服,
貓人被大批大批的活埋,“連他們的蒼蠅恐怕也不能剩下幾個”(書中的形容)。

為了不愿再看到這樣的情形,“我”決計離開火星,
而在遇到法國的一架探險飛機時,終于回到地球。

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老舍寫《貓城記》時,正是九一八事變剛過,
日本一舉鯨吞東三省,更虎視眈眈整個中華大地之時。

就在這整個中華民族面臨著亡國的巨大危機之時,
老舍毅然拿起了他的筆,
把他恨透的民族劣性,恨透的政治陋習,恨透的貪官污吏,恨透的侵略者,
一一寫進了這本《貓城記》中。

中國人幾千年來揮之不去的丑惡面,
都一一被老舍用自嘲的方式,
寫進了貓城記之中。

正如老舍在自序中說的,
寫《貓城記》是個惡夢!
惡夢,因為他無情地揭露了自身民族的丑惡!

在我看來,《貓城記》寫的,更是一個困擾所有中國人(華人)了幾千年的夢魘啊!

Monday 1 September 2008

愛上蕭敬騰

之前的我,
一直都很看不起那些通過“選秀大賽”出身的歌手。

因為我覺得,
那是商業炒作出來的歌手,
能夠脫穎而出靠的反而不是最重要的歌藝。
甚至只要你家里老子有錢,也大有機會可以捧個冠軍回家!

所以,
不管是什么“絕對Superstar”、“星光大道”、“Astro新秀大賽”、“One In A Million”還是“大馬偶像”,
我都敬而遠之。
不捧場,不參與,不支持。

不過上個星期,
到現場參與了夏日八度,
這個由八度空間舉辦的現場演唱會之后,
就完完全全被蕭敬騰的歌藝給折服了。

他現場的爆發力,他低沉的聲線,他飆高音的能力,
再配合他一開始演唱的《王子的新衣》,
簡直先天衣無縫。
真的可以說是天籟!

他唱Live的功力,
真是好到沒話說!

而且不只歌藝好,連歌路也非常廣。

當天蕭敬騰演唱了四首歌曲,
除了《王子的新衣》還包括了,
《奮不顧身》、《疼愛》和《多希望你在》。
是唱最多首歌的歌手(可能還不夠大牌的關系)。
四首歌雖然風格不同,但都被蕭敬騰演繹得很好!!

蕭敬騰真是太棒了!!



*后記:過后買了他的專輯來聽,雖然還是很好聽,不過總是少了蕭敬騰唱現場的爆發力!
*注:過后再把去夏日八度的照片貼上來,相機現在不在身邊,無法upload!
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